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When the position of Prime Minister opened up, Abiy's candidacy offered a new vision for the country: shrinking the Ethiopian state to allow greater freedom and a more democratic system. With a politician's pride, he pointed out some of his recent civic projects: a vast park and a national library; a handicrafts market; a planetarium, still under construction. And the leadership tolerated little dissent, imprisoning and torturing thousands of political opponents. Drivers should always be in control | Editorial | avpress.com. Abiy speaks about his initiatives with unwavering confidence. Ethiopia is Africa's second most populous nation, with the largest economy in East Africa. Before Abiy took office, he did not seem to outside observers like an obvious candidate for a country seeking radical change.

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The T. P. L. F., as it was known, imposed a program of economic modernization, which in time produced striking gains. But his leadership was quickly met with violent opposition. Abiy, at forty-six, could be mistaken for a prosperous real-estate agent: medium height, trimmed goatee, and a wardrobe of khakis, casual shirts, and gold-rimmed Cartier sunglasses. His guiding principle was medemer, an Amharic term meaning "synergy, " or "coming together. At the wheel of an armored Toyota Land Cruiser, trailed by a car full of bodyguards, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed drove me around Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia. Ethnic militias clashed, and resentments festered. Abiy came to power in 2018, promising to heal the country's divisions. Farah, who is seventy-six, grew up in a part of Somalia that was ceded to Ethiopia by the colonial British after they ousted the Italians in the Second World War. Like the wheel deal as a bike shop name crossword clue. For two decades, Ethiopia had been in a hostile standoff with its neighbor Eritrea—the lingering aftereffect of a war that claimed as many as a hundred thousand lives. At the Nobel ceremony, in Oslo, he invoked both the Bible and the Quran: "Before we can harvest peace dividends, we must plant seeds of love, forgiveness, and reconciliation in the hearts and minds of our citizens. But the spirit of reconciliation did not flourish in Abiy's Ethiopia. Abiy writes in his book that human beings have a "direct existential need" to be free of massacres and wars, and not long after his election he delivered a surprising advance. But the real wealth went largely to those who were already rich, or to people connected with the government, which controlled much of the economy. It was all part of his vision, he explained, to transform his country into a modern state.

"If in five years the world does not recognize what we have done, " he said, as he negotiated a turn, "then I am not your brother. Barely two months into his term, as he addressed a crowd in downtown Addis, an assailant mounted a grenade attack, in which two people died and scores were wounded. Protests broke out, and the unrest spread to other regions. And then I won the Nobel. In 1974, a military faction called the Derg seized power, overthrowing the emperor, Haile Selassie. Hundreds of thousands of Tigrayans were soon on the brink of starvation, while others poured across the Sudanese border to find refuge in hastily built camps. "I used to tell all my friends thirty years ago that I was going to be P. M., and everyone took it as a joke, " he said, on one of our drives. He began by releasing thousands of political prisoners, and decried the use of torture in Ethiopia's prisons. His supporters say that he is a modernizer, whose only mistake was that he moved too fast to overturn Ethiopia's corrupt old order. By Abiy's account, though, he was already agitating from the inside. Like the wheel deal as a bike shop name crossword answer. He had spent his early career working within the ruling coalition. "Then, once I became P. M. and I made peace with Eritrea, I asked my minister of foreign affairs, 'Do you think I could get the Nobel? ' Technology is supposed to make our lives easier.

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"Ethiopian leaders are famous for telling big and small porky pies to their fellow citizens and to the rest of the world; they know how to start conflicts that lead to wars, not how to resolve conflicts. In conversation, Abiy does most of the talking, but he demands constant feedback. He served briefly as minister of science and technology before becoming vice-president of the Oromia region. In 2012, a non-Tigrayan became Prime Minister—Hailemariam Desalegn, a mild-mannered Wolayta who had trained as a water engineer. He boasted of having planted eighteen billion trees. In "Crabs in a Bucket, " a forthcoming book, the Somali author Nuruddin Farah likens Ethiopian politics to a destructive Groundhog Day. His departure gave Abiy his opening. In 1991, the Derg was overthrown by a coalition of rebel militias; Abiy, who was then in the seventh grade, left school for a time to join the cause. The effect, a senior Western official told me, was to "seed the future with ethnic problems, " creating a system of eleven mini-states in near-perpetual tension. "I was always telling the former P. s that I was going to replace them, " he told me. He announced his intention to privatize state-owned enterprises, including telecommunications and aviation, and sought agreements to give his landlocked nation access to ports in Djibouti, Sudan, Somaliland, and Kenya. Mengistu had several dozen rivals machine-gunned at the national palace, and subsequently held a ceremony in the newly named Revolution Square, in which he swore to eliminate "voracious feudalists, hired fascists, and running dogs" and smashed bottles filled with red liquid, symbolizing his enemies' blood. Like the wheel deal as a bike shop name crossword. In an effort to reset the balance of power, the T. F. split Ethiopia into semi-autonomous regions, encompassing the traditional territories of the main ethnic groups. In June, 2019, the military attempted a coup in the Amhara region, killing the region's president and the national armed forces' chief of staff.

Abiy has an unshakable belief in his ability to overcome obstacles—not just to see the future but to shape it. He also ended a state of emergency imposed by the T. and launched an overhaul of the country's security agencies. He projects the self-assurance of a motivational speaker. In April, 2018, after a brief and contested shuffling of legislative leaders, parliament elected him to the job.

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The Derg's leader, Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam, presided over a murderous purge, known as the Red Terror, intended to remake the country as a Communist stronghold. Other October 7 2022 Puzzle Clues. In the Entoto Hills, above Addis, he had established a complex of recreational areas to showcase his Green Legacy Initiative, aimed at making Ethiopia a pioneer in sustainable agriculture and renewable energy. However, we are now in the year 2023 and that technology has, indeed, come to pass in some form. Throughout the city were government buildings that he'd built or remade: the federal police headquarters, the Ministry of Mines, an artificial-intelligence center, the Ministry of Defense. But it is ethnically fractured, with more than eighty distinct groups, many of them beset by old enmities and overlapping territorial claims. "Think of a demolition site when you think about Ethiopia, a country under constant rebuilding, one whose laws are often dismantled to accommodate the new ruler, and whose peoples' nerves are frequently shredded before another regime gains power, only to demolish what has gone on before, " Farah writes. In November, 2020, just eleven months after he was awarded the Nobel, violence erupted in Tigray, a rebellious region in the north.

"I wanted to add value for my country, and I am doing it, " he told me. The violence has sparked an international argument about Abiy. Even as the country suffered one of its periodic droughts, Mengistu launched a Stalinist collectivization campaign, and hundreds of thousands died of starvation. The first months of his tenure were dizzyingly ambitious. For a decade and a half, the growth rate hovered around ten per cent, and Ethiopia became known among boosters as the China of Africa. The problems of ethnic division also lingered. But, as Abiy and I toured Ethiopia, he seemed to want to talk about everything but the conflict that had engulfed his country. But Tigrayans still held key positions in the government, the armed forces, and the state-controlled economy.